Post by bluefedish on Feb 28, 2008 12:51:09 GMT -5
Korean Shamanism encompasses a variety of indigenous beliefs and practices that have been influenced by Buddhism and Taoism. In contemporary Korean, shamanism is known as muism and a shaman is known as a mudang. The role of the mudang, usually a woman, is to act as intercessors between a god or gods and human beings.
Women are enlisted by those who want the help of the spirit world. Shamans hold gut, or services, in order to gain good fortune for clients, cure illnesses by exorcising evil spirits, or propitiate local or village gods. Such services are also held to guide the spirit of a deceased person to heaven.
Koreans, like other East Asians, have traditionally been eclectic rather than exclusive in their religiouus commitments. Their religious outlook has not been conditioned by a single, exclusive faith but by a combination of indigenous beliefs and creeds imported into Korea. Therefore, although the overwhelming majority of South Koreans who profess a religion consider themselves either Buddhists or Christians, many still turn to the old folk traditions of muism.
Even though belief in Korean shamanism is not as widespread as it once was, the practices are kept alive. In the past such shamanistic rites have included as agricultural rites, such as prayers for abundant harvest. With a shift away from agriculture in modern Korea this has largely been lost.
Korean shamanism is distinguished by its seeking to solve human problems through a meeting of humanity and the spirits. This can be seen clearly in the various types of gut that are still widely observed.
Often a woman will become a shaman very reluctantly--after experiencing a severe physical or mental illness that indicates "possession" by a spirit. Such possession allegedly can be cured only through performance of a kut. Once a shaman is established in her profession, she usually can make a good living.
Korean shamans are similar in many ways to those found in Siberia, Mongolia, and Manchuria. They also resemble the yuta found on the Ryukyu Islands, in Japan. Cheju Island is also a center of shamanism.
Many scholars regard Korean shamanism as less a religion than a "medicine" in which the spirits are manipulated in order to achieve human ends. There is no notion of salvation or moral and spiritual perfection, at least for the ordinary believers in spirits. The shaman is a professional who is consulted by clients whenever the need is felt. Traditionally, shamans had low social status and were members of the ch'ommin class. This discrimination has continued into modern times.
Animistic beliefs are strongly associated with the culture of fishing villages and are primarily a phenomenon found in rural communities. Shamans also treat the ills of city people, however, especially recent migrants from the countryside who find adjustment to an impersonal urban life stressful.
The government has discouraged belief in shamanism as superstition and for many years minimized its persistence in Korean life. Yet in a climate of growing nationalism and cultural self-confidence, the dances, songs, and incantations that compose the kut have come to be recognized as an important aspect of Korean culture.
Beginning in the 1970s, rituals that formerly had been kept out of foreign view began to resurface, and occasionally even the manager of a Western-style hotel or other executive could even be seen attending a shamanistic exorcism ritual in the course of opening a new branch in Seoul. Some of these aspects of kut have been designated valuable cultural properties that should be preserved and passed on to future generations.
The future of shamanism itself was uncertain in the late 1980s. Observers believed that many of its functions in the future probably will be performed by the psychiatric profession as the government expands mental health treatment facilities. Given the uncertainty of social, economic, and political conditions, however, it appears certain that shamans will find large numbers of clients for some time to come.
Types of mudang
Mudang can be categorized into two basic archetypes: sess¨³mu, who inherit the right to perform the shamanistic rituals and kangshinmu, who are initiated into their mudang status through a ceremony. Sessŭmu historically lived in the southern part of the Korean peninsula, while kangshimu were found throughout the peninsula and continguous areas inhabited by Koreans, but were mostly concentrated in the north (modern day North Korea) and the contiguous areas of China and the central part of the peninsula around the Han River.
Kangshinmu are historically found throughout Korea, but are especially concentrated in the central and northern regions of the peninsula and in the lands contiguous to the northern part of the peninsula. The essential characteristic of the kangshinmu is that she becomes one with a god or spirit as part of her ceremony. There are two types of kangshinmu: one shares its name with the general Korean word for shaman, mudang; the other is called the my¨¯ngdu.
A person becomes a kangshinmu by participating in an initiation ceremony known as a naerim-gut, during which she undergoes a state known as a shinbyeong The kangshinmu-initate is said to be possessed by a spirit during the ceremony. The act of possession is said to be accompanied by physical pain and psychosis. Believers would assert that the physical and mental symptoms are not subject to medical treatment, but may only be cured through receipt of and full communion with the spirit.
A mudang is a type of shaman that has become possessed by a god, called a momju. Mudang perform fortune telling using their spiritual powers derived from their possession. They preside over a gut involving song and dance. A subcategory of this type, called sonmudang or posal, are thought to have power through a spiritual experience, but are not considered to worthy to preside over an orthodox gut. Certain shamans in this category are male and are called paksu.
Myongdu differ from the basic type of mudang in that they receive the spirit of a dead person (usually a young child relative of the Myongdu) rather than being possessed by a god. The myongdu invites the spirit to a shrine in her dwelling. Myongdu are found primarily in the Honam area of Korea.
Sessumu, found in the area south of the Han River, have their status as shamans pass down through family bloodlines. Two types of mudang are considered sessumu: shimbang and tang'ol.
Shimbang are similar to the kangshimu types of mudang in that the godhead and importance of spirituality are emphasized. However, unlike with kangshimu, the right to conduct ceremonies is hereditary. Moreover, a shimbang differs from a kangshimu in that their bodies are not possessed by spirits or gods during her gut. Rather, the shimbang contacts the god through a medium (mujomgu) and does not become one with the god. In addition, the shimbang does not maintain a shrine.
Tang'ol are a type of mudang found mostly in the southernmost areas of the Korean peninsula and especially in the Yeongnam area (Gyeongsang-do) and the Honam area (Jeolla-do). The tang'ol of Honam each had individual districts (tang'olp'an) in which they had the exclusive right to perform certain shamanistic ceremonies or gut. The gut performed by the tang'ol involve song and dance that serve to entertain a god or goddess, but there is interaction with or channeling of the god. Both the rights of succession and the ceremonies themselves have been systematized through the years so that they now bear the characteristics of a religious institution. Unlike other types of mudang, tang'ol do not receive a god as part of an initiation ceremony. A tang'ol will not have a shrine in her home and will not generally have a defined belief system in a particular god.
Shinbyeong (Spirit Sickness)
The central feature of a shaman's initiation is her affliction with an illness known as a shinbyeong. This is also called the "spirit sickness" or "self-loss" and characterized by a loss of appetite, insomnia, visual and auditory hallucinations. The illness is cured by a ritual called a naerim-gut cures this illness, which also serves to induct the new shaman.
Symptoms
The symptoms of a mudang's shinbyeong differ, depending on the mudang's cultural background as well as her surrounding environment. For example, in the most basic, frequent type of shinbyeong, the initiate is afflicted with the characteristic symptoms without apparent cause. The mudang cannot eat and becomes weak physically and psychologically. In another type of shinbyeong, these basic symptoms are preceded by physical illness. In yet another, the shinbyeong is caused by a psychotic episode. In a type of shinbyeong that is relatively rare, the mudang's mental state becomes weakened by an external shock. Another rarely occurring type of shinbyeong, called the "dream appearance type," the shinbyeong is triggered by a dream in which the mudang sees a god, spirit or unusual occurrence, accompanied by a revelation.
The symptoms of the shinbyeong can last a surprisingly long time: an average of 8 years and as many as 30. Most mudang have little appetite during their shinbyeong, some having indigestion and partaking in only a limited diet. The body of the mudang becomes weak and is subject to pain and cramping accompanied by bloody stool in some cases. Physical symptoms progress to include mental illness. The initiate has a generally restless mind and is said to experience dreams in which she communicates with gods or spirits. Eventually dreams and reality become blurred and the mudang suffers hallucinations. In some cases, the mental illness becomes so extreme that the mudang leaves home and wanders through mountains and rice fields. The symptoms are said not to be susceptible to normal medical treatment and such treatment is believed to only exacerbate them. Rather, the symptoms are to be cured through the gangshinje, a type of gut in which the mudang receives her god or spirit.
Religious Aspects
In the tradition of muism, the shinbyeong is considered a structured religious experience demonstrating the vertical connection between god and humanity and showing that "god in some form exists in human consciousness." It is a form of revelation that causes the shaman to become one with god and, consequently, change her patterns of thought. The shinbyeong is dissociated from reality and enters a higher form of consciousness.
Rituals or Gut
The gut is a shamanistic rite where the shaman offers a sacrifice to the spirits. Through singing and dancing the shaman begs the spirits to intercede in the fortunes of the humans in question. The shaman wears a very colourful costume and normally speaks in trance. During a gut a shaman changes their costume several times.
There are three elements of a gut. Firstly there is the spirits as the object of folk beliefs. Secondly there is the believers who pray to those spirits. Finally there is the shaman mediating between the two.
The actual form of gut various between regions. The plot of the shamanistic rite depends largely on the objective of the ceremony. The individual character and ability of the shaman, finally, adds fine differences in style.
The main variations of gut are naerim-gut, dodang-gut and ssitgim-gut. The shamans can either be hereditary or spirit-possessed.
Naerim-gut: An initiation rite. As part of the rite, someone becomes a shaman by being possessed by a spirit. The ritual serves to cure the shinbyeong and also induct the new shaman.
Dodang-gut: This communal rite is common in central provinces in South Korea. Its aim is to wish for the well-being and prosperity of a particular village or hamlet. This rite is normally held annually or once every few years. It's always held either around the New Year or in spring or autumn. The dodang-gut is distingushed by giving prominent roles to female sorceresses.
Ssitgim-gut: This rite is used to cleanse the spirit of a deceased person. Since ancient times there is a Korean belief that when somebody dies, their body cannot enter the world of the dead because if the impurity of their spirit. The ssitgim-gut washes away this impurity. It is observed mainly in the provinces in the south west of South Korea.
Chaesu-gut: During the sequential performance of the twelve segments that comprise a typical chaesugut, more than half of the costumes the mansin wears are male. The most interactive and dynamic portions of the gut usually occur during the mansin's possession by the pyolsang (spirits of the other world) and the greedy taegam (the overseer), which require male costumes. This cross-dressing serves several purposes. First, since the mansin is often possessed by both male and female spirits and can thus become an icon of the opposite sex, it is reasonable that she use the attire of both sexes. But in a context in which women are publicly demeaned, where their symbolic value is reduced by strong Confucian ideology, the female mansin's cross-dressing becomes complex and multi-functional.
In semiotic terms, the costume is an icon for the person or the spirit it represents. The mansin in the costume assumes the role of that icon, thereby becoming a female signifying a male; she is a cross-sex icon about 75% of the time during a typical kut. In the context of the gut, the mansin is a sexually liminal being; by signifying a man, she not only has access to the male authority in the Confucian order, she provides the female audience an opportunity to interact with that authority in ways that would, in a public context, be unthinkable. Her performance is often a parody of the male authority figures; she often makes off-color jokes and ribald comments, and argues with the audience.
Selected Source:
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_shamanism
Women are enlisted by those who want the help of the spirit world. Shamans hold gut, or services, in order to gain good fortune for clients, cure illnesses by exorcising evil spirits, or propitiate local or village gods. Such services are also held to guide the spirit of a deceased person to heaven.
Koreans, like other East Asians, have traditionally been eclectic rather than exclusive in their religiouus commitments. Their religious outlook has not been conditioned by a single, exclusive faith but by a combination of indigenous beliefs and creeds imported into Korea. Therefore, although the overwhelming majority of South Koreans who profess a religion consider themselves either Buddhists or Christians, many still turn to the old folk traditions of muism.
Even though belief in Korean shamanism is not as widespread as it once was, the practices are kept alive. In the past such shamanistic rites have included as agricultural rites, such as prayers for abundant harvest. With a shift away from agriculture in modern Korea this has largely been lost.
Korean shamanism is distinguished by its seeking to solve human problems through a meeting of humanity and the spirits. This can be seen clearly in the various types of gut that are still widely observed.
Often a woman will become a shaman very reluctantly--after experiencing a severe physical or mental illness that indicates "possession" by a spirit. Such possession allegedly can be cured only through performance of a kut. Once a shaman is established in her profession, she usually can make a good living.
Korean shamans are similar in many ways to those found in Siberia, Mongolia, and Manchuria. They also resemble the yuta found on the Ryukyu Islands, in Japan. Cheju Island is also a center of shamanism.
Many scholars regard Korean shamanism as less a religion than a "medicine" in which the spirits are manipulated in order to achieve human ends. There is no notion of salvation or moral and spiritual perfection, at least for the ordinary believers in spirits. The shaman is a professional who is consulted by clients whenever the need is felt. Traditionally, shamans had low social status and were members of the ch'ommin class. This discrimination has continued into modern times.
Animistic beliefs are strongly associated with the culture of fishing villages and are primarily a phenomenon found in rural communities. Shamans also treat the ills of city people, however, especially recent migrants from the countryside who find adjustment to an impersonal urban life stressful.
The government has discouraged belief in shamanism as superstition and for many years minimized its persistence in Korean life. Yet in a climate of growing nationalism and cultural self-confidence, the dances, songs, and incantations that compose the kut have come to be recognized as an important aspect of Korean culture.
Beginning in the 1970s, rituals that formerly had been kept out of foreign view began to resurface, and occasionally even the manager of a Western-style hotel or other executive could even be seen attending a shamanistic exorcism ritual in the course of opening a new branch in Seoul. Some of these aspects of kut have been designated valuable cultural properties that should be preserved and passed on to future generations.
The future of shamanism itself was uncertain in the late 1980s. Observers believed that many of its functions in the future probably will be performed by the psychiatric profession as the government expands mental health treatment facilities. Given the uncertainty of social, economic, and political conditions, however, it appears certain that shamans will find large numbers of clients for some time to come.
Types of mudang
Mudang can be categorized into two basic archetypes: sess¨³mu, who inherit the right to perform the shamanistic rituals and kangshinmu, who are initiated into their mudang status through a ceremony. Sessŭmu historically lived in the southern part of the Korean peninsula, while kangshimu were found throughout the peninsula and continguous areas inhabited by Koreans, but were mostly concentrated in the north (modern day North Korea) and the contiguous areas of China and the central part of the peninsula around the Han River.
Kangshinmu are historically found throughout Korea, but are especially concentrated in the central and northern regions of the peninsula and in the lands contiguous to the northern part of the peninsula. The essential characteristic of the kangshinmu is that she becomes one with a god or spirit as part of her ceremony. There are two types of kangshinmu: one shares its name with the general Korean word for shaman, mudang; the other is called the my¨¯ngdu.
A person becomes a kangshinmu by participating in an initiation ceremony known as a naerim-gut, during which she undergoes a state known as a shinbyeong The kangshinmu-initate is said to be possessed by a spirit during the ceremony. The act of possession is said to be accompanied by physical pain and psychosis. Believers would assert that the physical and mental symptoms are not subject to medical treatment, but may only be cured through receipt of and full communion with the spirit.
A mudang is a type of shaman that has become possessed by a god, called a momju. Mudang perform fortune telling using their spiritual powers derived from their possession. They preside over a gut involving song and dance. A subcategory of this type, called sonmudang or posal, are thought to have power through a spiritual experience, but are not considered to worthy to preside over an orthodox gut. Certain shamans in this category are male and are called paksu.
Myongdu differ from the basic type of mudang in that they receive the spirit of a dead person (usually a young child relative of the Myongdu) rather than being possessed by a god. The myongdu invites the spirit to a shrine in her dwelling. Myongdu are found primarily in the Honam area of Korea.
Sessumu, found in the area south of the Han River, have their status as shamans pass down through family bloodlines. Two types of mudang are considered sessumu: shimbang and tang'ol.
Shimbang are similar to the kangshimu types of mudang in that the godhead and importance of spirituality are emphasized. However, unlike with kangshimu, the right to conduct ceremonies is hereditary. Moreover, a shimbang differs from a kangshimu in that their bodies are not possessed by spirits or gods during her gut. Rather, the shimbang contacts the god through a medium (mujomgu) and does not become one with the god. In addition, the shimbang does not maintain a shrine.
Tang'ol are a type of mudang found mostly in the southernmost areas of the Korean peninsula and especially in the Yeongnam area (Gyeongsang-do) and the Honam area (Jeolla-do). The tang'ol of Honam each had individual districts (tang'olp'an) in which they had the exclusive right to perform certain shamanistic ceremonies or gut. The gut performed by the tang'ol involve song and dance that serve to entertain a god or goddess, but there is interaction with or channeling of the god. Both the rights of succession and the ceremonies themselves have been systematized through the years so that they now bear the characteristics of a religious institution. Unlike other types of mudang, tang'ol do not receive a god as part of an initiation ceremony. A tang'ol will not have a shrine in her home and will not generally have a defined belief system in a particular god.
Shinbyeong (Spirit Sickness)
The central feature of a shaman's initiation is her affliction with an illness known as a shinbyeong. This is also called the "spirit sickness" or "self-loss" and characterized by a loss of appetite, insomnia, visual and auditory hallucinations. The illness is cured by a ritual called a naerim-gut cures this illness, which also serves to induct the new shaman.
Symptoms
The symptoms of a mudang's shinbyeong differ, depending on the mudang's cultural background as well as her surrounding environment. For example, in the most basic, frequent type of shinbyeong, the initiate is afflicted with the characteristic symptoms without apparent cause. The mudang cannot eat and becomes weak physically and psychologically. In another type of shinbyeong, these basic symptoms are preceded by physical illness. In yet another, the shinbyeong is caused by a psychotic episode. In a type of shinbyeong that is relatively rare, the mudang's mental state becomes weakened by an external shock. Another rarely occurring type of shinbyeong, called the "dream appearance type," the shinbyeong is triggered by a dream in which the mudang sees a god, spirit or unusual occurrence, accompanied by a revelation.
The symptoms of the shinbyeong can last a surprisingly long time: an average of 8 years and as many as 30. Most mudang have little appetite during their shinbyeong, some having indigestion and partaking in only a limited diet. The body of the mudang becomes weak and is subject to pain and cramping accompanied by bloody stool in some cases. Physical symptoms progress to include mental illness. The initiate has a generally restless mind and is said to experience dreams in which she communicates with gods or spirits. Eventually dreams and reality become blurred and the mudang suffers hallucinations. In some cases, the mental illness becomes so extreme that the mudang leaves home and wanders through mountains and rice fields. The symptoms are said not to be susceptible to normal medical treatment and such treatment is believed to only exacerbate them. Rather, the symptoms are to be cured through the gangshinje, a type of gut in which the mudang receives her god or spirit.
Religious Aspects
In the tradition of muism, the shinbyeong is considered a structured religious experience demonstrating the vertical connection between god and humanity and showing that "god in some form exists in human consciousness." It is a form of revelation that causes the shaman to become one with god and, consequently, change her patterns of thought. The shinbyeong is dissociated from reality and enters a higher form of consciousness.
Rituals or Gut
The gut is a shamanistic rite where the shaman offers a sacrifice to the spirits. Through singing and dancing the shaman begs the spirits to intercede in the fortunes of the humans in question. The shaman wears a very colourful costume and normally speaks in trance. During a gut a shaman changes their costume several times.
There are three elements of a gut. Firstly there is the spirits as the object of folk beliefs. Secondly there is the believers who pray to those spirits. Finally there is the shaman mediating between the two.
The actual form of gut various between regions. The plot of the shamanistic rite depends largely on the objective of the ceremony. The individual character and ability of the shaman, finally, adds fine differences in style.
The main variations of gut are naerim-gut, dodang-gut and ssitgim-gut. The shamans can either be hereditary or spirit-possessed.
Naerim-gut: An initiation rite. As part of the rite, someone becomes a shaman by being possessed by a spirit. The ritual serves to cure the shinbyeong and also induct the new shaman.
Dodang-gut: This communal rite is common in central provinces in South Korea. Its aim is to wish for the well-being and prosperity of a particular village or hamlet. This rite is normally held annually or once every few years. It's always held either around the New Year or in spring or autumn. The dodang-gut is distingushed by giving prominent roles to female sorceresses.
Ssitgim-gut: This rite is used to cleanse the spirit of a deceased person. Since ancient times there is a Korean belief that when somebody dies, their body cannot enter the world of the dead because if the impurity of their spirit. The ssitgim-gut washes away this impurity. It is observed mainly in the provinces in the south west of South Korea.
Chaesu-gut: During the sequential performance of the twelve segments that comprise a typical chaesugut, more than half of the costumes the mansin wears are male. The most interactive and dynamic portions of the gut usually occur during the mansin's possession by the pyolsang (spirits of the other world) and the greedy taegam (the overseer), which require male costumes. This cross-dressing serves several purposes. First, since the mansin is often possessed by both male and female spirits and can thus become an icon of the opposite sex, it is reasonable that she use the attire of both sexes. But in a context in which women are publicly demeaned, where their symbolic value is reduced by strong Confucian ideology, the female mansin's cross-dressing becomes complex and multi-functional.
In semiotic terms, the costume is an icon for the person or the spirit it represents. The mansin in the costume assumes the role of that icon, thereby becoming a female signifying a male; she is a cross-sex icon about 75% of the time during a typical kut. In the context of the gut, the mansin is a sexually liminal being; by signifying a man, she not only has access to the male authority in the Confucian order, she provides the female audience an opportunity to interact with that authority in ways that would, in a public context, be unthinkable. Her performance is often a parody of the male authority figures; she often makes off-color jokes and ribald comments, and argues with the audience.
Selected Source:
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_shamanism
